By Ilja A. Luciak
"Gender equality and significant democratization are inextricably linked," writes Ilja Luciak. "The democratization of principal the United States calls for the entire incorporation of girls as electorate, applicants, and workplace holders." In After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, Luciak exhibits how former guerrilla girls in 3 vital American nations made the transition from insurgents to mainstream political avid gamers within the democratization process.
Examining the position of ladies within the numerous levels of progressive and nationwide politics, Luciak starts with ladies as members and leaders in guerrilla routine. girls contributed vastly to the progressive fight in all 3 nations, yet thereafter many similarities ended. In Guatemala, ideological disputes decreased women's political effectiveness at either the intra-party and nationwide degrees. In Nicaragua, even though women's rights grew to become a secondary factor for the innovative occasion, girls have been still capable of placed the problem at the nationwide schedule. In El Salvador, ladies took prime roles within the progressive social gathering and have been in a position to contain women's rights right into a wide reform time table. Luciak cautions that whereas lively measures to enhance the political function of ladies have bolstered formal gender equality, in basic terms the joint efforts of either sexes can result in a profitable transformation of society in response to democratic governance and major gender equality.
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Extra info for After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala
For the majority, packing up and leaving the FMLN was not a viable option. In some instances sexual abuses were denounced, but the individuals in question were almost never punished. Morena Herrera recounted such an incident: “In 1987 I lodged a complaint that a Comman- 16 After the Revolution der had sexually harassed a compañera over a long period of time. ” Very few combatants dared to challenge FMLN authorities so openly, and most decided to remain silent. Only in the ﬁnal days of the Salvadoran war, and then only in the case of a limited number of female FMLN members, was the ﬁght for social justice expected to include a conscious emphasis on the struggle for gender equality.
The ERP had only 4 women over sixty, and the PRTC’s records show 1 ninety-oneyear-old female combatant. 4 Age Distribution of FMLN Combatants A: Distribution of Combatants by Gender B: Distribution of Female Combatants by Group Source: ONUSAL. Note: Data for 453 combatants were not available. Gender Composition of Guerrilla Movements 9 oldest being seventy-two. Older guerrilla supporters were not the exclusive domain of the FMLN. In the case of Guatemala’s URNG, demobilized personnel included a number of senior citizens.
In the Salvadoran case, we can at last have an informed debate, because we now have reliable data. Upon the signing of the peace accords, the FMLN forces were supposed to demobilize in a ﬁve-stage process between May 1 and October 31, 1992. The demobilization was supervised by the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL), which processed and registered the FMLN membership that had been concentrated in camps throughout the country. FMLN members were registered according to their status as combatants, wounded noncombatants, or políticos (FMLN militants who were engaged in political work on behalf of the guerrillas both in El Salvador and abroad).