By Claire Halpert

The strikingly unrestricted syntactic distribution of nouns in lots of Bantu languages frequently results in proposals that syntactic case doesn't play an lively function within the grammar of Bantu. This publication deals a distinct end that the foundation of Zulu that Bantu languages haven't just a process of structural case, but in addition a fancy approach of morphological case that's akin to platforms present in languages like Icelandic. through evaluating the approach of argument licensing present in Zulu to these present in extra prevalent languages, Halpert introduces a couple of insights onto the association of the grammar.

First, whereas this e-book argues in prefer of a case-licensing research of Zulu, it locates the positions the place case is assigned reduce within the clause than what's present in nominative-accusative languages. furthermore, Zulu indicates proof that case and contract are precise operations within the language, situated on assorted heads and working independently of one another. regardless of those unfamiliarities, there's facts that the timing relationships among operations reflect these present in different languages. moment, this e-book proposes a singular kind of morphological case that serves to masks many structural licensing results in Zulu; the results of this example are surprising, Halpert argues that its life is anticipated given the present typological photo of case. ultimately, this booklet explores the implications of case and contract as dissociated operations, exhibiting that given this case, different strange houses of Bantu languages, comparable to hyper-raising, are a typical consequence. This exploration yields the belief that many of the more odd houses of Bantu languages in truth outcome from small quantities of edition to deeply accepted syntactic ideas similar to case, contract, and the EPP.

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Van der Wal (2009) shows that in Makhuwa-Enahara, as in many other Bantu languages, universal quantiiers, which are often restricted in dislocated positions (see Rizzi, 1986; Baker, 1996), may appear in agreeing subject position, though they are prohibited in unambiguously dislocated positions. In addition, van der Wal (2009) shows that DPs with nonspeciic indeinite interpretations are also permitted as agreeing preverbal subjects, again unexpected on a dislocation analysis. Both of these patterns that van der Wal (2009) demonstrates for MakhuwaEnahara hold in Zulu as well: universal quantiiers and nonspeciic indeinites are both permitted as preverbal subjects, but not as right-dislocated postverbal subjects or as high left-dislocated subjects: (17) Universal quantiiers in agreeing subject position a.

His analysis accounts for the fact that the subject can only be pro-dropped if a subject marker is present—in those cases the subject marker fulills the actual role of the subject, which the full DP must do in the absence of the subject marker. Corbett (2006) proposes that one way to distinguish between clitic doubling and agreement morphology is the appearance of multiple instances of the morpheme: multiple agreement markers are permitted, but only one clitic will occur per clause. If the subject marker is a pronominal clitic, then we [ 16 ] Argument Licensing and Agreement “02_Halpert_c02” — 2015/8/24 — 14:44 — page 17 — #8 expect only one agreement marker to be possible in a single clause.

B. ’ Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989) argue that such auxiliary verbs in Bantu have the properties of raising verbs in that the two verbal elements in these constructions share a single subject that is thematically related only to the lower verb. We can observe this property through the behavior of idioms, which show that the subject in these constructions is selected by the lower verb. Zulu has several idioms that include an idiomatic subject (see Nyembezi, 1963):13 13. he younger speakers of Durban Zulu who I have encountered through my ieldwork are unfamiliar with the majority of the documented idioms in Zulu, and particularly with the subject idioms discussed here.

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